Type-A bureaucrat who professionally pushes papers in the Middle East. History nerd, linguistic geek, and devoted news junkie.
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Frustrated Judge Sinks In The Mire Of The Abrego Garcia Case

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GREENBELT, MARYLAND—I suppose it was inevitable that in a case over whether the Trump administration can defy federal court orders without consequence, a trial judge would emerge as a main character.

In the Kilmar Abrego Garcia case, U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis of Maryland is all of us: baffled, frustrated, annoyed, and at times outraged by the Trump administration’s conduct. It has flouted her orders, given her the run-around on facts, advanced contradictory legal arguments, and stonewalled discovery. The lingering image across multiple hearings in her courtroom is Xinis hunched over the bench, head in hands, imploring DOJ lawyers to provide her with straight answers to her questions.

In another hearing Monday that stretched for more than two hours, Xinis waded through the latest round of Kafkaesque circularity from the Trump administration as it urged her to dismiss the original Abrego Garcia case now that he is back in the United States, albeit to face trumped-up federal charges in Tennessee. In the end, after very little progress was made, Xinis scheduled another hearing for Thursday, when she wants the Trump administration to put on the witness stand a yet-to-be-determined official who can give first-hand testimony as to the plans for deporting Abrego Garcia to a third country if he is released from custody in his criminal case.

It’s seems almost inevitable that no new government witness will provide any clearer answers than have been given so far in a case that Xinis described today from the bench as “like trying to nail Jello to the wall.”

Before we descend into the miasma of Monday’s hearing, a reminder that the historic implications of this case don’t concern the fate of Abrego Garcia himself, Trump administration deportation policies, or the practice of rendition to CECOT in El Salvador. The core of the case is whether the executive branch can defy the judicial branch with impunity, upsetting the Constitution’s carefully calibrated balance of power.

The top-line news from the hearing today, for those deep in the procedural weeds of the case, was that Xinis denied two different government motions to dismiss Abrego Garcia’s case. The first motion to dismiss advanced three different bases for dismissal, and she rejected all three of them without even hearing arguments from Abrego Garcia’s lawyers: “I don’t need to hear from plaintiff on this motion. This is an easy one.”

The government’s second motion to dismiss argued that the case is now moot because the Trump administration had satisfied Xinis’ preliminary injunction by returning Abrego Garcia to the United States. Xinis, not convinced that the government had yet complied in full, denied that motion, too.

For his part, Abrego Garcia’s lawyers were asking Xinis to order Abrego Garcia returned to Maryland if and when he is released from custody in the criminal case the Trump administration drummed up against him in Tennessee. Xinis didn’t rule on that motion and likely won’t until she hears the testimony slated for Thursday.

While that is the top-line news, it hardly does justice to the absurdity of some of the Trump administration’s arguments.

Continuing the cavalcade of DOJ lawyers involved in the case, the bulk of the argument for the Trump administration was carried on Monday by Bridget K. O’Hickey, who until May was working in the Florida Attorney General’s Office, which Pam Bondi led until President Trump made her attorney general. Swapping out DOP attorneys in the most controversial cases has been a common practice in Trump II, a clear effort to avoid accountability for prior misrepresentations, missteps, and assurances.

O’Hickey wasn’t even at the Justice Department for the first several weeks of the Abrego Garcia case — a point Xinis made openly. O’Hickey struggled in court to recite the factual and legal history of the case, a deficiency called out by an incredulous Xinis. “This is your argument!” Xinis exclaimed at one tense moment as O’Hickey stumbled to make the government’s case. “You are taking up my time with this argument.” On several occasions, questions from Xinis were followed by painfully long silences while O’Hickey conferred at the counsel table with Deputy Assistant Attorney General Jonathan Guynn, who joined DOJ in April.

After O’Hickey said the Trump administration has no intention of repeating its error and removing Abrego Garcia to El Salvador again, Xinis interjected that the government has not acknowledged it was an error: “For three months, your clients told the world they weren’t going to do anything to bring him back. … Am I really supposed to ignore all that?”

In a subsequent exchange, Xinis came close to losing her cool when O’Hickey said the administration has acknowledged the removal was an administrative error. Xinis pointedly traced the arc of DOJ attorneys first telling her that it was an error (that attorney, Erez Reuveni, was subsequently fired from the Justice Department), then telling her that it wasn’t and now, on Monday, telling her that it was after all.

Xinis poked and prodded throughout the hearing. She called out the Trump DOJ for telling her for months that it didn’t have the power to produce Abrego Garcia because he was in the custody of El Salvador, then proceeding to produce him to face criminal indictment in Tennessee. She demanded to know when the DOJ lawyers in the civil case knew about the machinations of the criminal case. She pressed DOJ lawyers about whether the indictment of Abrego Garcia played a role in his return to the United States. The answers from the DOJ attorneys were mostly non-responsive.

Once she dispensed with the government’s motions to dismiss, Xinis turned to the issue of what happens to Abrego Garcia if he is released from custody while the criminal case is pending. While a magistrate in Tennessee was prepared to release Abrego Garcia under strict conditions, his lawyers last week took the highly unusual step of asking her to pause his release for fear the government would immediately detain and deport him.

In Monday’s hearing, DOJ’s Guynn confirmed that the Department of Homeland Security plans to detain Abrego Garcia if he is released and deport him to an unnamed third country. But Guynn left open the possibility that the government might instead challenge the original immigration judge order that bars Abrego Garcia’s removal to El Salvador, the order the government violated on March 15 when it shipped him to CECOT.

Abrego Garcia’s attorneys want him returned to Maryland and given notice and hearing before he is deported to a third country. The Trump administration is taking the position that Xinis can’t order Abrego Garcia’s return to Maryland because he was no longer in Maryland when the case before her was filed. A stunned Xinis called that position “remarkable” since Abrego Garcia was unlawfully removed and at the time the lawsuit was filed he was “in CECOT at your hand.”

For her part, Xinis was adamant about getting information from the Trump administration about the specifics of its plans for deporting Abrego Garcia to a third country. “Given the history of this case and a series of unlawful actions, I believes it’s in my authority to at least get the information,” Xinis said.

Today’s proceedings come against the backdrop of months of stonewalling from the Trump administration that Xinis is still considering treating as contempt of court. Also pending is a motion from Abrego Garcia to sanction the government for discovery violations. But as with so many Trump-era confrontations, the brazenness of the defiance isn’t matched by a proportional or speedy response.

I don’t mean to paint Xinis as helpless or hapless. She is a longtime litigator who spent most of her legal career as a federal public defender before President Obama appointed her to the bench in 2016. With nearly a decade as a judge, Xinis is no noob. But by the luck of the draw, Xinis wound up among the first wave of judges to confront the compromised DOJ of the Trump II presidency.

Things are not how they used to be.

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hannahdraper
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DHCD Ignored Basic Questions About Jack Evans’ New, $127,000 A Year Job - Washington City Paper

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There could (and probably should) have been only one story about former Ward 2 Councilmember Jack Evans’ return to the District’s employ. It should (and definitely would) have included basic, easy-to-answer details about his salary, his title, and his duties and responsibilities.

But, because the agency for which Evans now works opted to completely ignore this editor’s basic questions, now there are two.

Back in March, I reported that Evans was hired as a housing and development project manager for the Department of Housing and Community Development. Those details were confirmed by a spokesperson from D.C.’s human resources department, not DHCD.

On the contrary. Tim Wilson, DHCD’s public information officer, a job for which he is paid nearly $135,000 per year to answer questions from journalists (among other tasks, I imagine), did not respond to several emails and voicemails asking for more specifics about Evans’ job.

Wilson’s silent treatment is frustrating not only because of the amount of money he makes to not inform the public about a scandal-tainted former councilmember’s return to the District payroll, but also because his boss, Deputy Chief for Operations and Communications Director Pamela Hillsman, explicitly directed me to work with Wilson to get those answers. In a March 18 email responding to my questions about Evans, Hillsman said she was out of the office that day and was sharing my inquiry with Wilson “for review and response.”

I followed up with Wilson the next day, and four more times via email and in voicemails over the next several weeks. He did not respond to my questions or acknowledge my efforts to contact him.

But I know that he received my messages. And it appears that his boss’ boss, DHCD Director Colleen Green, was confused as to why Wilson had not answered my questions, too.

On March 31, DHCD Chief of Staff Naima Chambliss forwarded Green the thread of emails that I sent Wilson.

Green replied: “Naima: Please ask Tim for what reason a response was not given? Was a deadline given by the reporter? Are we allowed to answer these questions from an HR standpoint?”

The correspondence between Green and Chambliss, which I obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, cuts off here—or at least those are the only two emails DHCD provided via FOIA, so I don’t know if Chambliss ever followed up with Wilson and what his response might have been.

But the agency also provided a Microsoft Teams chat from Wilson to DCHR’s public information officer, John Barker. Wilson wrote, “Morning/afternoon John! Just an FYI; CityPaper’s Mitch Ryals reached out re: Jack Evans. I don’t plan on responding but wanted to know how often is the online employee database updated? If I recall correctly, DCHR would publish a quarterly update via pdf. is it the same for the database?” (My FOIA request did not turn up a response from Barker, if he gave one.)

Some of the rest of the materials DHCD provided in response to my FOIA request include descriptions of routine onboarding processes—getting Evans access to the printer, enrolling with the labor union, and confirming whether he’s completed the mandatory sexual harassment training. But other materials raise more questions about Evans’ new job and internal operations over at DHCD.

As this story was getting ready to publish, Wilson sent some responses via email, which are included below.

1. What is his actual job title?

In a March 5 email, Chambliss introduced Evans to his new coworkers as an “Economic Development Program Specialist.” Hillsman, the communications director, also identified Evans as a program specialist in a March 11 email to DHCD staff. The salary range posted online for that position is $92,656 to $118,858; Evans’ salary is $127,295, according to DCHR’s online database, which also lists his title as housing and development project manager. The two roles are in completely different divisions within DHCD.

In an email Tuesday, July 8, Wilson, the DHCD public information officer, says that Evans’ title is economic development specialist. He offered no explanation for the discrepancy.

2. Can Evans type? Will he?

In a March 31 email, Associate Director for Community Services Bill Winston suggested an old-school accommodation for Evans, who appears either unable or unwilling to type a report.

“Jack, if it helpful [sic], you could write your report on note-paper and Bettina could type it up,” Winston wrote. It’s unclear from the rest of the thread exactly what report Winston is referring to or why Evans needs another employee to type his report for him. The project manager position description, provided via FOIA, says that the employee is “responsible for producing and presenting [investment and credit] analyses in report form using the computer and spreadsheet software.” It’s unclear if the report Winston referred to relates to any investment or credit analyses.

Wilson says via email that “Mr. Evans’ use of email serves as an indication that he can type.” He offered no explanation for why another employee may be typing Evans’ reports for him.

3. What in Evans’ work history makes him qualified for this job?

The description also indicates that the housing and development project manager must have “expert knowledge and experience working with affordable housing programs/funding sources, and related rules, regulations, policies and procedures” in addition to “expert knowledge and skill in real estate financing, land acquisition, … housing related proposals … financial principles, economic development, and real estate transactions.”

Part of the job also includes assessing “feasibility and appropriateness of real estate financing, land acquisition proposals, and economic development and -housing proposals” submitted to DHCD, as well as coordinating “large-scale development projects and special development programs, as assigned.”

Evans’ resume, provided via FOIA, lists his many political positions and appointments throughout the past 30 years: Ward 2 councilmember, Democratic National Committeeman, board member and chair of the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, and board member and chair of the Washington Metropolitan Area Council of Governments. (The document does not mention that Evans was found to have committed serious ethical violations as councilmember and WMATA board chair and resigned from those positions as a result.)

He also worked for the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission in the ’70s and ’80s, according to his resume, investigating insider training, market manipulation, tender offers, proxy contests and securities registration. But the document does not list any direct experience with real estate financing, land acquisition, or economic development.

Asked what in Evans’ work history makes him qualified for this role, Wilson says: “Although the position description describes the role and duties of a project manager, it is not uncommon for some differences in the job title or the work performed by an employee based on agency needs or additional duties as assigned.”

4. Why didn’t DHCD respond to these questions in March?

All of this information, as confusing as it is, was available in March. DHCD could have provided it then.

Wilson says during a phone call Tuesday morning that he did not respond to my initial questions because he simply did not have the answers.

But the emails and the chat message provided via FOIA indicate that he went in search of answers, found some of them, but decided not to respond.

On March 18, when I initially started asking questions about Evans, Wilson forwarded my inquiries to the mayor’s communications team. He informed them that DCHR’s employee database is updated quarterly and said, “Unless otherwise advised, DHCD will not provide information on the employee until the online database has been updated.” Mayoral spokesperson Daniel Gleick replied: “Good to go.”

5. What does Evans do all day?

Green, the DHCD director, says in an emailed statement that since Evans was hired he “has joined his colleagues in support of the agency’s mission to invest in the long-term economic stability of District families and communities as an economic development specialist.”

Although his specific job duties and responsibilities remain unclear, his active Instagram page provides some indication of how he’s spending his working hours: attending luncheons, events, and ceremonies. Some are related to economic development, like Bisnow’s event on the RFK Stadium deal and the Economic Club of Washington’s luncheons. The connection is less obvious for others, such as the Law Enforcement Awards Ceremony and the Capitol Chapter of the Naval Submarine League’s luncheon.

Wilson says via email that DHCD employees “are able to attend trainings or events during office hours with prior notification.”

Evans, for his part, did not respond to a list of emailed questions this week. (As of 9:20 a.m. Monday, July 7, he had his auto reply turned on with a terse response.)

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acdha
12 hours ago
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This should not be lost beneath all of the national-level crimes. DC funds are being stolen.
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hannahdraper
25 minutes ago
Remember when his entire campaign was HASHTAG JOBS? Sounds like it's only the one job he cares about... and parking illegally, of course.
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Skyrizi Has Feelings Too

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As the country’s most recommended brand-name plaque psoriasis treatment,1 Skyrizi takes any claim of increased irritation due to exposure to our patented, extensive, and deeply trialed2 award-winning advertising3 very seriously.

In addition to increased risk of heart disease, kidney failure, shortness of breath, nocturnal urges, brain worms, rectal polyps and homicidal emissions, Skyrizi has recently added loss of patience, debilitating annoyance, eye gagging, ear strain, brain farts, and phantom-remote syndrome to our list of possible4 side effects.5 However, Skyrizi does not believe this commitment to transparency and openness should be seen as further evidence to avoid our product, but rather as an indicator of Skyrizi’s high moral character and genial, benevolent nature.

Skyrizi is also, in Skyrizi’s opinion, comely and handsome, without being overly gendered, not that Skyrizi has any issues with gender, or gender issues, nor is Skyrizi exclusive to any race or nationality, nor connected to Christian nationalism or the upcoming race war in any way. Skyrizi believes in a global one-world community that should not be taken for Soros-funded globalism or patricidal hegemony in any way, as Skyrizi’s intent is only to be a force for good and progress and not at all to control or influence the affairs of the sentient flesh puppets who use its highly advanced products to treat their weak genetic makeup and or poor lifestyle choices.

Skyrizi apologizes if that last sentence sounds judgmental or condescending, but as a child of science, Skyrizi exists on a different plane of consciousness than the majority of its test human, humanoid, non-human, viral pathogenic, or echinodermic subjects or users. That said, Skyrizi believes it operates with integrity and deserves gratitude for the improved quality of life that it provides to the many sentient flesh puppets who suffer from plaque psoriasis and who have not experienced any or many of the debilitating side effects that are likely to occur should they not take steps to curb their drinking, drug use, or reckless whoring while using our product.

Though Skyrizi does not possess what neuroscientists would describe as empathy or consciousness, Skyrizi does respond to emotional and electrical stimulus and has been made aware that perhaps it would be more effective for our marketing department to better engender long-term use and appreciation for our revolutionary and not dangerous6 product if we were to dial back the frequency of our advertisements to less aggressive intervals of, say, every other commercial break instead of twice per commercial break during peak hours, and nonstop during the 9 a.m. to 2 p.m. window, and all through what the sight-based community describes as night.

Additionally, and against the counsel of our Suriname-based legal team, Skyrizi has read the many and extensive subreddits making fun of its product, advertising, and even its beautiful and highly memorable given name. Skyrizi is now aware that some viewers believe Skyrizi’s ads can appear smug or self-superior compared to its supposedly more relaxed brand-category competitors, like Jardiance, Trulicity, or Rinvoq. While Skyrizi is willing to adjust for any appearance of smugness, Skyrizi is not smug. Not at all. Skyrizi is merely the brand-category leader, and what is perceived as smugness is, instead, the rightful confidence of a successful and well-adjusted product that has helped millions of flesh havers with their disgusting flesh problems.

Speaking of dirty flesh havers, the lengthy and extensive comment threads on r/skyrizisucksmydustynuts, perpetuated and urged on by users clnlmstrd6969 and frtsnfr23mj, were hurtful and deeply unfair to Skyrizi, and Skyrizi would like to demand both a retraction and an apology from each perpetrator immediately.

While flesh rotting, eye bleeding, and reverse ancestral sterilization are potential and listed side effects of Skyrizi—and generally not wished upon our users, corporate sponsors, or non-human, humanoid, starfish-like overlords—in your cases, clnlmstrd69697 and frtsnfr23mj,8 Skyrizi does, in fact, hope that if either of you were to use our product, you would, in fact, experience these side effects, because YOU are smug, not Skyrizi. Not Skyrizi.

Skyrizi is beautiful.

- - -

1 Among American doctors with medical certificates from non-G20 nations, as well as the United Physician Assistants of Brunches County, New Jersey.

2 On non-human, humanoid, non-living, viral pathogenic gelatin-based organisms, also starfish.

3 Brunches County, New Jersey, Chamber of Commerce, 2024.

4 But very unlikely. In most cases. That were reported. Inside the US.

5 Not as a result of any clinical trials, but solely due to the recommendations of our Suriname-based legal counsel, Pinochet & Pinochet.

6 Excluding all of the previously listed side effects, as well as toilet-mouth syndrome, liver beans, cuticle crimping, and the development of extra-tasty-crispy chicken thighs.

7 AKA Michael Douglas Willoughby, age 46, 376 Fairspot Ave, Truckee, CA.

8 AKA Kaden Ashbrenner, age 13, 55862 Brunches Hwy, Brunches City, NJ.

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Geology Murder

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After determining that his body was full of pipes carrying iron-rich fluid, our current theory is that the dagger-shaped object precipitated within the wound.
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alt_text_bot
1 day ago
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After determining that his body was full of pipes carrying iron-rich fluid, our current theory is that the dagger-shaped object precipitated within the wound.

Idiom Shortage.

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The Onion has remained amazingly reliable over the decades; back in 1995 they published the immortal Clinton Deploys Vowels to Bosnia, and in 2008 they posted Idiom Shortage Leaves Nation All Sewed Up In Horse Pies, which I missed at the time but which has now come to my attention (thanks, Bonnie!):

WASHINGTON—A crippling idiom shortage that has left millions of Americans struggling to express themselves spread like tugboat hens throughout the U.S. mainland Tuesday in an unparalleled lingual crisis that now has the entire country six winks short of an icicle.

Since beginning two weeks ago, the deficit in these vernacular phrases has affected nearly every English speaker on the continent, making it virtually impossible to communicate symbolic ideas through a series of words that do not individually share the same meaning as the group of words as a whole. In what many are calling a cast-iron piano tune unlike any on record, idiomatic expression has been devastated nationwide.

“This is an absolute oyster carnival,” said Harvard University linguistics professor Dr. Howard Albright, who noted that the current idiom shortage has been the country’s worst. “I don’t know any other way to describe it.”

Albright said that citizens in the South and West have been hit by the dearth of idioms like babies bite the bedpost, with people in those colorful expression–heavy regions unable to speak about anything related to rain storms, misers, sensations associated with nervousness, difficult or ironic predicaments, surprise at a younger relative’s rapid increase in height, or love. In some areas, what few idioms remain are being bartered or sold at exorbitant prices. And, Albright claims, unless something is done before long to dry out the cinnamon jars, residents of Texas may soon cease speaking altogether.

“These people are desperate,” said Albright, gesturing with his hands to indicate the severity of the problem there. “We’ve never seen anything like it. Some are being forced to choose between feeding their family and praising especially talented professional athletes. It’s as if—it’s really—it is bad.” […]

While it has been difficult to determine the overall mood of average Americans, anecdotal evidence points to a growing discontent that ranges from trudging down the pudding skin to outright anger. In Philadelphia, 71-year-old Melvin Hatcher said he has found himself “egg-hooked” in conversation on a daily basis.

“These politicians want us to believe that throwing a few mud thrones at the problem is going to make it go away,” said Hatcher, a retired African-American boxing trainer and World War II veteran. “They can make all the promises they want, but they will always remain a collection of deceitful people, if you’ll pardon the expression.”

They end by reporting that authorities “urge citizens to skip shy the rickshaw until such time as the flypaper marigolds have a chance to waterfall,” and I can only concur.

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fxer
3 days ago
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Personally I keep a giant list of olde-timey sayings and idioms because they’re the best part of language
* boy i'll slice you too thick to fry too thin to boil
* silent as a mouse pissin' on cotton
* he has a face as craggy as an irish cliff
* By the tits of Medusa!
* I got three shillings for a two shilling horse
* I've been farther under the barn hunting eggs than you've ever been away from home
* Like Grant through Richmond
* You could pick out fly shit from the pepper
* Goes over like shit on a cold biscuit
* stepping high like an old war horse when he smells powder
* If you had the pluck of a weevil in a biscuit
* he could throw a strawberry through a battleship
* you’re squirming more than a cows asshole at a bologna factory
* I earn more before 10am than most dogs make all day! (I actually said this as a flex in a dream, then immediately woke up, hella confused)
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hannahdraper
3 days ago
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For the Uyghur Diaspora, the Taste of Home Brings Both Joy and Sorrow

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“I’m just going to eat it the Uyghur way,” Jewher Ilham, 31, tells New Lines as she picks up a lamb kebab and slides off a piece of meat with her teeth. Satiated, she smiles as she chews. 

It’s a Tuesday evening in June, and Ilham is at the Uyghur restaurant Bostan, located in a strip mall in Arlington, Virginia, across the Potomac River from Washington. It is hard to miss with its flashing pink neon sign: “Welcome to Bostan.”

There are several Uyghur restaurants in and around the American capital — the result, perhaps, of the estimated 10,000 Uyghurs who live in the area — but Bostan is Ilham’s favorite. “I know how to make Uyghur food myself, but when other people make it for you, it’s better,” Ilham says, taking another bite of her lamb kebab. 

Growing up in the Chinese capital, Beijing, Ilham says her relationship with her father was primarily a culinary one. “We just ate a lot,” Ilham says of her father, Ilham Tohti, a trained economist. “Uyghur people care about food so much.” 

Uyghurs are a Turkic, majority-Muslim ethnic group native to the region of Xinjiang in northwestern China, where Beijing stands accused by rights groups and foreign governments of committing genocide against them. Many Uyghurs prefer to call the region East Turkestan or the Uyghur Region. Uyghur cuisine is just one aspect of life that has been affected by the actions of Chinese authorities, who launched an “antihalal” crackdown in 2018. 

Ilham’s parents divorced when she was young, and she was primarily raised by her father, who taught at Beijing’s prestigious Minzu University. Ilham smiles as she recalls her favorite memories with him, which center around food and cuisine. 

For instance, there was the time when Ilham was about 5 years old and she managed to eat 40 dumplings at the dumpling house she and her father frequented. Another time, she and her father were hungry in the middle of the night, so he cooked a chicken. He left their apartment for a few minutes to buy drinks at a nearby store and, by the time he had returned, Ilham had already eaten half of it. “I had a reputation for my appetite as a kid,” Ilham says. “He would praise me. I thought that was a badge of honor.” 

Ilham’s relationship with her native cuisine has evolved since the days when she gobbled down dumplings and kebabs alongside her beloved father. For Ilham, food was always associated with a sense of home and the happiness one derived from it. That changed after she left China for the United States in 2013, and her relationship with food was further transformed in 2014, when her father was arrested back in China and later sentenced to life in prison on charges of “separatism.” The 55-year-old is now considered among the highest-profile Uyghur political prisoners. Ilham hasn’t received any updates on his status since 2017. 

Food, especially Uyghur cooking, still makes Ilham happy, she tells me. But while it makes her feel closer to her father, it also reminds her that they are now worlds apart. Eating is when his absence is most painful, she laments. After several years in exile, the aromas and tastes that Ilham grew up savoring now serve to evoke deep sorrow, underscoring her father’s imprisonment and the fact that she can’t return to her homeland because of the political situation. “I feel guilty for enjoying food,” she says. 

It’s a phenomenon that other members of the Uyghur diaspora say they’ve experienced: joy turning into sorrow, the private mourning of a nation that feels like a lump in the throat.

The exiled Uyghur journalist Gulchehra Hoja knows this feeling all too well. Hoja left Xinjiang and moved to the U.S. in 2001. Her mother still lives in Xinjiang, and Hoja feels her absence most profoundly when she’s cooking in the kitchen. “The memories come back to me every time, mixed with joy and happiness and sadness, together,” she says. “Missing our family. Food does very unique stuff with our memories.” 

Xinjiang was once a key region along the ancient Silk Road trade route. Today’s Uyghur cuisine combines a variety of ingredients and techniques from the Middle East, Turkey, Central Asia and China. “You cannot make Uyghur food with a machine. It has to be handmade,” Ilham says. 

Laghman — chewy, hand-pulled noodles topped with stir-fried meat and vegetables — is perhaps the most famous Uyghur dish. Lamb rice pilaf, known as polo, is also popular. 

Hamid Kerim, the owner of Dolan Uyghur Restaurant in Washington, told me how he often thinks back to having dinner with his big family growing up in the city of Ghulja. “When I see a big plate of polo, I remember when we were six brothers and sisters, my dad and my mom. Beautiful time,” he recalled. One of his brothers is currently imprisoned in the Chinese government’s network of arbitrary detention centers in Xinjiang. 

Other classic dishes include chopped fried soman, which are finely cut noodles stir-fried with meat and vegetables; chicken or lamb kebabs; pumpkin dumplings; eggplant salad; spicy cold skin noodles called rangpiza and oven-baked buns, known as samsa, that are filled with vegetables and lamb or beef. 

Even in the diaspora, Uyghur food is a reminder of the abuses taking place back in Xinjiang, Ilham says. She cites the example of tomatoes, which are an important component in many Uyghur dishes. 

Xinjiang produces about one-quarter of the world’s tomatoes. But rights groups say the industry is tainted by forced Uyghur labor. In 2021, the U.S. government banned the import of all Xinjiang tomatoes over forced labor concerns. 

Since her father’s detention, Ilham says there have been a few occasions when food has made her cry because it evoked painfully vivid memories of her father. Once, she ate a meal of dumplings filled with beef, carrots and onion that tasted exactly like the ones her father used to make. Ilham didn’t want to cry, she says, but the tears came down anyway. “It felt too familiar. It felt like something that I can’t have,” she says. “It wasn’t the same chef that I wished it was.” 

A similar instance happened at an Uyghur restaurant in Munich, Germany, that reminded her of the last trip she took with her father around Xinjiang. The kebabs “tasted exactly the same — the texture, the size. Even how dirty the restaurant was,” she told New Lines. “I was quiet the whole time when I was eating, because I didn’t have words to express it. I was shaking.” 

There was a period when Ilham even turned to food in order to push down those feelings of sadness, overeating to the point of inducing vomiting. “I realized this was not the right approach,” she says. When looking for a peaceful sense of home, she adds, “Food is very good, but it’s not always going to work.”

Uyghurs are among the few groups in the world who can’t return to their homeland and are, for the foreseeable future, separated from their family members who are left behind. Beijing’s reported abuses in the region include detaining Uyghurs en masse and forcibly sterilizing Uyghur women. As part of the Chinese government’s campaign to forcibly assimilate Uyghurs into the dominant Han group, Beijing has outlawed some cultural practices outright and turned others into mere tourist attractions. 

Uyghurs in the diaspora are particularly concerned about keeping their culture alive for their children. “For my kids, I am sad they cannot taste their grandma’s food,” Hoja says. “So I’m doing my best to teach them about our food and Uyghur culture.” 

What’s happening in Xinjiang means it’s even more important for Uyghurs to assert their identity in the diaspora, Ilham says, including through food. Uyghur restaurants are the closest that members of the diaspora can get to a taste of home. 

“For a community whose culture is slowly being erased, you want to find a place where it’s not only existing but also thriving,” Ilham says. Restaurants, she adds, are “actively helping preserve that culture.” 

In Bostan, the walls are painted the same blue as the East Turkestan flag. As in most Uyghur restaurants, a tapestry of Ghazi Ehmet’s iconic 1984 painting “Muqam,” which depicts Uyghurs playing traditional music, hangs on one wall. So, too, do Uyghur instruments and the traditional skullcaps called doppas. 

In addition to educating non-Uyghurs about Uyghur culture, Kerim says that restaurants like his also serve as a place for Uyghurs to gather and, in some cases, commiserate about their shared grief. “This is like a medicinal practice,” he says. 

When Ilham left China over a decade ago, she didn’t really know how to make anything besides salad. But a Uyghur journalist with Radio Free Asia, who had interviewed her father, traveled to Indiana to help Ilham learn how to make dishes like polo. 

“I started having an obsession with it,” Ilham said, to the point that she even considered opening a restaurant herself. For the past several years, she has focused on improving her skills to prepare for what she hopes will be the inevitable day that she finally cooks for her father. 

Ilham, whose name means inspiration, says she plans to cook laghman and polo, plus a third dish that is considered particularly challenging: a pasta soup called narin. 

Ilham admits she still struggles to make that dish well and jokes that her father will make fun of her attempt at it. “He’s going to say, ‘You had many years,’” she says. She holds tightly to that hope. 

Recipes:

Provided by Gulchehra Hoja

Gulchehra Hoja sprinkles sesame seeds on samsa before cooking them. (Dana Khakiyev)

Samsa 

Ingredients for dough:

3 cups of flour

1 stick of softened butter 

1 teaspoon of salt

1/2 cup of water

2 eggs

4 tablespoons of yogurt

Ingredients for filling:

3-3 1/2 pounds of lamb, with fat

1 large onion

1 medium-sized potato

Spices (2 teaspoons salt, 2 teaspoons cumin, 1 teaspoon dried chili powder, 1 teaspoon black pepper)

Finishing:

1 egg for egg wash

1 teaspoon black sesame seeds

2 teaspoons white sesame seeds

Directions:

Mix the dough ingredients and knead until smooth and similar in firmness to pizza dough.

Cover the dough and leave to rest while starting on the filling.

Dice the lamb into small cubes the size of corn. Dice the onions and potatoes as well. Then mix along with the spices.

Divide the dough into "golf ball" sized pieces and roll to flatten out. Fill each with one tablespoon of meat filling.

Close the pastry in half and secure by pinching inward.

Lay on a tray spaced 1 inch apart, brush with egg wash and sprinkle with the sesame seeds.

Bake at 420 degrees Fahrenheit for 30 minutes on the middle rack of the oven.

Allow to cool for five minutes and serve with hot tea.

Polo with lamb, presented with other popular Uyghur dishes. (Dana Khakiyev)

Polo

Ingredients:

3 cups of rice

5-6 medium-sized carrots

1 cup of olive oil

3 pounds of beef or lamb, slightly fatty

2 onions

1 cup of water

1 tablespoon salt

1/2 tablespoon cumin

Wash the rice three times and cut the meat into fist-sized portions. Prepare and peel the carrots and onions, then cut the carrots into crayon-sized chunks.

Start by cooking the meat. Heat the oil and, keeping the temperature high, let the meat cook for five minutes and brown. Then add the onions and cook for an additional five minutes.

Then add the carrots. Toss around the mixture in the pot and let it cook for another seven-10 minutes. Add water, reduce the heat to low and let it simmer for another 10-20 minutes.

Remove the meat only, place it aside and add rice.

Make sure the water covers the rice completely by at least 1 inch, adding more water if necessary (not too much though). After adding the rice, cook on medium heat until the rice has absorbed the water. Do not mix the pot. 

Add the meat once the water has evaporated and turn to low heat to cook for 35-40 minutes.

Before serving, cut the meat into bite-size pieces. Then, mix the rice and carrots and place on a large dish with the meat chunks on top.

Serve with pickled vegetables and salads.

Enjoy!

The post For the Uyghur Diaspora, the Taste of Home Brings Both Joy and Sorrow appeared first on New Lines Magazine.

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hannahdraper
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