American Diplomacy Is Increasingly More About Performance Than Results
I’m not going to sit here and listen to you bad mouth the United States of America — Eric “Otter” Stratton
You probably know the scene in Animal House. The one where Dean Wormer warns he’s going to revoke Delta’s charter. The boys from Delta stand and walk out.
Last week, in a scene where diplomacy imitates art, the US delegation to the UN stood and walked out of a meeting during remarks by the French Permanent Representative.
The US delegation was aggrieved over French criticism of an earlier US vote against a second term for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. It was a lopsided 144–10 vote in favor, where the United States was one of the 10 opposed. It joined others that included Russia, North Korea, Nicaragua and Israel. The French had rebuked the US for being on the side of authoritarians. US Ambassador and Alternate UN Representative Dan Negrea promised to continue American walkouts until France renounced its “condescending and disrespectful” rhetoric.

Historically, walkouts by US delegations at international gatherings were reserved for such egregious acts by our adversaries as then-Iranian President Ahmadinejad’s anti-Semitic remarks toward Israel or baseless accusations against the United States. I was part of a US delegation that walked out of a Moscow conference when a senior Russian official accused the United States of creating and supporting ISIS. Unlike the walkout in New York, previously, we didn’t walk out alone. Our allies walked out with us in a display of unity in condemning the speaker.
The US squabble with France is less important than the insight into how this administration conducts diplomacy and the results it gets, or doesn’t. Like most things in this administration, its diplomacy has become performative. It is built on big, empty gestures that mimic Trump’s own behavior: bullying, impatience, and whatever the outcome, claiming success. This is an administration that seems to want to provoke confrontation to get its way rather than commit to difficult, time-consuming negotiations. Nor does it seem to have skin thick enough to absorb the criticisms often targeting the US positions and continue with the question at hand. When it doesn’t win, it retreats, but not without screaming that it really won. It sees the world as zero-sum transactions so that it always claims to get everything, even when it gets nothing.
Diplomacy, when done effectively, entails grinding conversations, finding leverage (sometimes in the form of coercion), and knowing what is the minimum you’ll accept and the maximum you’ll give. It also involves drawing on expertise to grasp the full scope of an issue and to fully form a position. It is best done quietly, and occasionally, with a certain amount of ambiguity. None of that seems to be relevant now.
The marginalization of expertise across the US government and dismembering of the traditional Washington foreign-policy process have made American diplomacy little more than an amplification of Trump’s pronouncements on Truth Social.
There’s no process anymore because he is the process.
I recently asked someone I knew in Washington about the vagaries of US Ukraine/Russia policy, believing that a lasting solution that doesn’t reward Russian aggression and secures the peace depends on coordinated US-European. efforts. “Nobody knows. They’re just making shit up” was the response. This after Washington had done its damnedest to repeatedly cut the Europeans out of any US-orchestrated discussions with Ukraine and Russia. Vice President Vance used his speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference to hector Europe to deal with migration — “the threat within” to Western civilization — rather than the threat of Russia.
But nothing underscores making up foreign policy as you go more than the handling of the war with Iran. In the absence of consulting with allies in hopes of building a coalition, having a clear strategy with achievable objectives, or a compelling rationale for war to persuade the American and international publics of the rightness of our cause, Trump has bumbled into a war that he has no idea how to get out of, our Gulf allies are likely to negotiate their own settlement with Iran that gives it some degree of control of the Strait of Hormuz, and US influence is waning, in addition to a now persistent threat to the global economy. Trump’s self-proclaimed little excursion is rapidly becoming a strategic defeat that will count lost US credibility and leadership among its casualties because diplomacy has remained an afterthought.
With no Washington process to inform and coordinate foreign policy decision making, then it seems the result has been to default to Trump’s lead. Throughout my career, the rule of thumb when dealing with a foreign interlocutor was simple: when in doubt, quote the President or the Secretary of State. Still true, if you can find some coherence in it, but more than once, Marco Rubio has had to revise his answers to fit the President’s narrative. Rubio’s justification for the war with Iran or the process for ending it has been an evolutionary cycle driven by the President’s press comments du jour.
The non-career ambassadors Trump has dispatched — whom columnist Max Boot called Trump’s “mini-mes” in a column in The Washington Post — have taken that a step beyond, in modeling the President’s disdain for others. They are creating a record of offending their host countries. US Ambassador to France Charles Kushner, for example, refused two summonses to the French MFA in a breach of longstanding diplomatic protocol. Ambassador Tom Rose announced the embassy would cut ties with the speaker of Poland’s parliament over statements that Trump did not deserve the Nobel Peace Prize.
At embassies and at headquarters, our diplomats persevere amid staffing cuts and a lack of leadership. The State Department fired more than 1,300 Foreign and Civil Service employees, has made “fidelity” a part of the evaluation process, and geared recruiting toward finding candidates who ideologically fit the Administration’s “America First” world view. More than 100 ambassadorships are still unfilled. They struggle to keep up. In the meantime, the work on the most pressing problems has been outsourced with no particular results. Trump’s special envoys Witkoff and Kushner, in the words of a foreign diplomat I know who has seen them up close, are 0 for 3 in producing any results for Gaza, Ukraine, or Iran. He was spectacularly unimpressed.
During Trump’s first term, I checked his Twitter posts first thing every morning. It would determine how the day was likely to go. The difference then versus now is that there were filters that blunted the worst of his musings or translated them into actual, existing policy. Now, those filters are absent.
US diplomacy seems to be reduced to reprising Kevin Bacon screaming, “All is well,” amid chaos, and no one is listening.

