In broad strokes, the electoral context for the Senate race in Texas is clear enough. Democrats are going to be a major underdog in a state Trump carried by 14 points in 2024. It’s also clear that Democrats can win — if Republicans can win a Senate race in Massachusetts and Democrats win one in Alabama in the right circumstances, between what’s likely to be the very favorable political context for Dems in November and at least the partial reversal of some of the demographic trends that made Texas non-competitive in 2024 the Dems aren’t drawing dead.
To get into more detail, and on why Paxton winning might give the Dems at least a puncher’s chance:
The most basic take here is that Trump seems to have questionable taste in candidates. Just like with Herschel Walker in 2022, he chose the loyal but scandal-plagued over the safe “establishment” option.
In previous cycles, these Trump-backed candidates have seriously underperformed. And Trump’s endorsement of Paxton comes at a time when Trump’s political standing is probably at its all-time low: he’s at a net -19.3 in our approval rating tracker, the worst rating for any president at this point in a nonconsecutive term.2
To level-set here: the Texas general election contest is the proverbial case of a rock meeting a hard place. It’s a very red state, having repeatedly defied Democrats’ wishes to “Turn Texas Blue”. It’s the kind of place that has survived blue waves, like in 2018, when Ted Cruz was just far enough ashore to beat Beto O’Rourke by 2.7 points.
Ordinarily, this year’s race would project as a carbon copy of the 2018 contest. While Democrats have expanded their lead to nearly 7 points on our generic ballot tracker, our modeled version of state partisanship scores projects that would still translate to roughly an R +4 in Texas, producing another case of Democratic dreams narrowly deferred.
But that’s assuming “generic” candidates, which Paxton very much is not.
Polls testing both Republicans against Talarico have suggested a serious opening for Democrats. Cornyn and Paxton have fared similarly against Talarico in recent polls of the November contest — and similarly mediocrely. You could even argue for the presence of a slight Talarico edge since he won his primary (without a runoff) in March.

This is the point at which we must step in to express some skepticism. This early in the race, a well-designed model would place greater weight on “fundamentals” like state partisanship than on polls. Candidate quality does matter, but large over- and underperformances are getting rarer.
But scandals do still matter electorally, and our historical research suggests the impact is roughly in the 5-point range. In other words, if Texas were projected to be an R +4 in November given “generic” candidates, that might flip to a tie or a D +1 against a scandal-plagued Republican. And scandals are a category in which Paxton might be the Southeast Division regional record-holder (quite an accomplishment in a subdivision that also includes Louisiana).
In other words, while we’d be skeptical of polls showing that Cornyn would lose to Talarico, prediction markets showing a toss-up between Talarico and Paxton are probably working off reasonable assumptions.
It’s an uphill climb. But the Democrats can’t re-take the Senate and stop the Trumpification of the federal judiciary without a couple upsets, and they need to contest any remotely winnable seat. Talarico needs to be given all the resources he needs as long as the race is at all competitive, and let’s hope he proves to be a good candidate.
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